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This does a information of a way needed before Twelve-year-old Winnie Willis addresses a download with works. As a result of the proclamation of the independent Republic of Indonesia on August 17, it could only operate in areas that were under control of the Dutch Indian government in Batavia.
On Java this meant a narrow strip from Batavia to Bandung. The areas administered by the government of the Republic of Indonesia that resided in Djocjakarta were beyond PB control. As the damages were most severe in places that were attacked for strategic reasons, priority was given to the reconstruction of economically vital parts on Borneo, Celebes and the Moluccas.
Many towns on these islands, particularly where oil was extracted, were heavily damaged. Since in many cases almost all infrastructure and housing were destroyed, PB decided to take advantage of this situation. Thus, rather than just reconstructing pre-war circumstances, it decided to design plans that would not just reconstruct but simultaneously improve the old situation.
To find out what would be the best solution town plans were considered in a wider, regional context. The result was the design of the first regional plan in the archipelago.
After it was adjusted in such a way that it could also be applied to towns outside Java and without municipal status, the Town Planning Ordinance was finally decreed in The first town it was applied to, in January , was Bandjermasin on Borneo.
Later that year it was also applied to several towns on Java and Sumatra. On December 27, the Netherlands transferred sovereignty over the archipelago to the independent Republic of Indonesia. Just over a year prior to this crucial event the Dutch Indian government appointed a committee to prepare an act on regional planning in non- urban areas. Although an official reason was never given, the cause might very well have been related to the shortage of professionals in Indonesia in the early s.
Given this lack of qualitative and quantitative adequate personnel it would have been very difficult to comply with the act. The easiest way to sidestep this problem was to refrain from assessing the act — and thus the obligation to implement and observe it.
The decision not to decree the Spatial Planning Act was unsatisfactory from both a methodological and a historical point of view. By not decreeing the act the government obstructed the legal and methodological expansion of town planning into the vaster realm of spatial planning.
As a result of this decision not to assess the Spatial Planning Act the Town Planning Act was to remain the only legal instrument for Indonesian planners for the next four decades.
Although the developments after fall outside the boundaries of my study, I will describe them very briefly.
One of the most radical consequences of the transfer of sovereignty was the Indonesianization of administrative and other institutions: the replacement of Dutch professionals in leading positions by Indonesians. Remarkably though, this alteration did not cause a Dutch exodus. Far from it, as Indonesia offered plenty of career opportunities many Dutch professionals resumed and even began their career in the new republic.
Life in the archipelago from onwards seemingly continued more or less as before. It was not until , when negotiations between Indonesia and the Netherlands about the administrative status of New Guinea reached a deadlock that the actual consequences of the revised political relation between Indonesia and the Netherlands manifested themselves.
As a result of the diplomatic rupture the More than the transfer of sovereignty it was this departure that slowly but surely changed Indonesia — and its aspirations. The positions left behind by Dutch architects and town planners were taken over by colleagues from Austria and Germany but mainly from the United States of America.
As architects from Harvard and Kentucky took up advisory and teaching positions in Indonesia and American scholarships increasingly enabled Indonesian students to study in the United States, the American approach of planning and architecture eventually changed town planning and architecture in the archipelago fundamentally.
In accordance with the American lifestyle town plans were increasingly designed to accommodate a society where transportation by car, high-rise buildings and air-conditioning were the norm. A trend that profoundly changed the rather European outlook that featured in many towns and by and large defines the outlook on the Indonesian town until the present. Analysis Initially plans barely addressed more than one issue or area.
They were isolated events that did not have any relation to other plans, nor took the general interest of the development of a town into account. Their design was pretty straightforward: a layout of streets bordered by plots of land destined for housing. The impact of a plan on other developments nor aesthetic aspects were hardly considered.
It did not take long before administrators, engineers and architects acknowledged the need for coherent, social and aesthetic town plans.
As architects gradually got more of a say in the process, town plans became more visionary and comprehensive: they addressed interrelated developments. Increasing attention was paid to aesthetics: the position and design of prominent buildings, public spaces and vistas. The third phase of town planning was characterized by a rationalisation of the design process. A trend that emanated from increased and improved statistics and a better understanding of the socio-cultural context of the Dutch Indian society.
The rationalisation enabled architects to design town plans that complied much better with the market and, even more important, to abandon the primarily intuitive style of designing in favour of a more methodical approach. It was this gradual rationalisation that eventually led to the introduction of regional planning. The plan for a couple of indigenous neighbourhoods kampungs designed by the municipality of Medan, and the plan for the satellite town Ksiteoran Baru near Batavia are good examples of this kind of planning.
What characterizes planning in the archipelago after is not so much a shift in methodology as a shift in focus. Instead of the relatively intimate neighbourhoods and towns designed by Dutch architects the approach of architects who stepped in their place — many of them from America — was much more focussed on infrastructure and the projection of long and wide traffic routes linking business and living areas.
Consequently roads for motorised traffic became the backbone for Indonesian town plans. Though not entirely based on this principle, the plan of Pulo Mas near Djakarta illustrates the hybrid character of the early Indonesian town plans that originated from this approach.
The plan is a careful attempt to blend American and local Indonesian planning objectives. As in other colonies, the Dutch Indian society was ethnically diverse and very class- conscious: European, Indo-European, indigenous and other Asian people by and large lived in different ethnic neighbourhoods. Each neighbourhood had its own distinctive features. In general neighbourhoods for Europeans, Indo-Europeans, well-to-do Chinese and indigenous dignitaries were vast and moderately to sparsely populated.
The parcels were relatively large, the houses luxurious and the gardens lush. The overall atmosphere in these neighbourhoods was European. On average, Asians and socially and economically less successful Europeans and Indo-Europeans lived in considerably denser populated areas where the streets were narrower, often unpaved and many facilities such as running water, baths, and toilets were public.
The atmosphere in these less affluent and denser populated neighbourhoods was predominantly indigenous, Chinese, British-Indian or Arab.