The Three Little Pigs. A Reading A–Z Level M Leveled Book. Word Count: ruthenpress.info Retold by Alyse Sweeney. Illustrated by Roberta Collier-. So the three little pigs packed their little knap sacks and headed up the lane to see if they could make a house to live in. PDF created with pdfFactory trial version. Once upon a time there were three little pigs and the time came for them to The first little pig built his house out of straw because it was the easiest thing to do.

Author:AMALIA MAINERO
Language:English, Spanish, Arabic
Country:United States
Genre:Personal Growth
Pages:301
Published (Last):04.02.2016
ISBN:851-3-58801-334-9
Distribution:Free* [*Register to download]
Uploaded by: CLARITA

52666 downloads 144403 Views 23.80MB PDF Size Report


The Three Little Pigs Pdf

Once upon a time there were three little pigs who lived with their mother. One day their mother told them they were old enough to go out into the. “The Story of the Three Little Pigs”. Three pigs meet a persistent wolf and guess what happens? LCCN: ruthenpress.info; Published/Created: London . Once upon a time there were three little pigs. One day their mother said, “You are old now. You can make your own houses.” Mrs. Pig kissed each little pig on the.

We also found a very low frequency of non- grammatical pauses in our data, but indications of high engagement and cognitive and communicative investment. We point to a wider range of dysfluencies as indicators of cognitive load, and show that the kind and location of dysfluencies produced may reveal which aspects of the narrative task are creating the greatest cognitive demand: here, mental state ascription, perspectivization, and adherence to story schema. This paper thus generates analytical options and hypotheses that can be explored further in a larger population of children with autism and typically developing controls. Keywords autism, narrative, discourse analysis, cognitive science, dysfluency, repairs 1. Introduction1 This paper stems from a research agenda based in linguistics and cognitive science which hopes to better delineate language disorder phenotypes observable in narrative. This requires the establishing of accepted metrics of narrative performance that adequately capture the ways developmental and pathological variations correlate with relevant cognitive deficits and 1 This research was supported under the Australian Research Council's Discovery Projects funding scheme project number DP

The following exemplify the pauses coded. In example 2 , the encircled pauses are grammatical. The third pause occurs after a false start bold text and therefore was not included in the analysis.

In example 3 , the first two pauses are grammatical while the final pause as encircled was a non-grammatical pause. Here the pause is non-grammatical because it interrupts a Prepositional Phrase.

Consistent with previous studies, the pause indicates high cognitive loading as it is clear that Lincoln is momentarily unsure whether it is the house of straw or the house of sticks the wolf approaches at this point in the story.

Pauses accompanying repetitions occur between an incomplete utterance and the repeated lexical or phrasal element see example 4b. The issues arise in deciding precisely when a pause occurs within a phrase, and is therefore to be coded as a non-grammatical pause. The fresh fruit from the farm that had fired us noun phrase prep. Phrase subordinate phrase was shipped to Maine and to the South.

Phrase coordinator prep. They also allow for grammatical pauses between a head noun and modifying Prepositional Phrase or Relative Clause see example 4a. They thus treat as complete phrase units those which more conventionally might be regarded as syntactically incomplete, although the boundaries they recognize occur at potential phrase boundaries from a processing point of view. Nonetheless, we have followed what we take to be their approach in our study.

Furthermore, their participants received no verbal stimulus, but were invited to examine the pictures while an experimenter turned the pages; Lincoln was familiar with various verbalizations of the story and performed his own narratives without interruption.

That is, we might predict that Lincoln would be quite fluent in his production of at least some sequences within the story, given his previous exposure to it and the formulaic nature of the story itself. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to investigate the distribution of the two different kinds of pauses, given the association of non-grammatical pauses with cognitive complexity, and our impression that the second retelling is simultaneously more elaborate and more dysfluent.

Table 1 shows the overall length of the two versions in number of words and in minutes. The second version has more verbal content, yet is spoken at a much faster pace. Areas of disagreement were resolved by discussion.

The small frequencies of non- grammatical pauses are even more surprising in light of the fact that there are higher frequencies of grammatical pauses. However, as discussed above, the nature of the storytelling task is somewhat different between our study and the Thurber and Tager-Flusberg study. The second story contains fewer false starts and fewer grammatical pauses which seems to correspond to the fact that, as indicated in Table 1, it was produced at a faster pace than the first story.

There are slightly more non-grammatical pauses in the second version which could be said to support the idea that this version was a more cognitively demanding task. We wish to challenge this conclusion, however. As we have seen the stories are longer than those in the earlier study, and there are a number of indications that they are in fact produced with a high level of cognitive engagement and investment: A global consideration of dysfluency in these narratives supports these impressions, suggesting that further investigation of dysfluency beyond pause frequencies is required to properly capture cognitive load and investment.

Some examples of other kinds of dysfluency which it is fruitful to consider will be examined in the remainder of this section. Instead we find many false starts and partial repetitions. He says p. For the most part, a single repair effort deals with a trouble-source. Although not common, two successive repairs […] yielding three tries at that bit of talk — are not rare.

Cases with more than two repairs […] are the harder to find the more repair segments are involved. Here Lincoln perseveres beyond what one would normally find at least in adult speech: In this example, there are at least two interlocked repair sequences with at least 4 tries at each, and 7 or 8 attempted repairs altogether depending on how you count, as shown in Table 3.

The Three Little Pigs * Roald Dahl

Repair Table 3 An example of perseverative repair sequences Perseveration as a feature of executive control dysfunction is well known in psychological research, particularly in reference to performance tasks. Shallice proposes an information-processing model for perseveration in which executive control dysfunction leads to a failed modulation of a lower level response selection system under a requirement for novel response generation.

Perseveration has been found to be a feature of the performance of children with high functioning autism in studies of executive function e.

Liss et al Stereotyped and repetitive use of language has long been recognized as a clinical feature of autism. These characteristics have however been less discussed in the discourse analytic literature. At issue here is a mentalisation task over number which appears to cause some difficulty. Of note is that in the first repair sequence in the example discussed, Lincoln does not perseverate on selection of a lexical item, but rather on the solution of a higher-level repair task.

This is not an isolated incident: A point of interest is where these clusters occur, and one place is around reported speech. Given that taking the perspective of others is held to be a problem for people with autism Hobson ; Tager-Flusberg , , this is a potentially interesting observation. In example 6 for instance, Lincoln perseverates on finding a preferred reported speech introducer, and again here none of the pauses are non-grammatical ones.

This is interesting in the context of postulated deficits in emotion recognition and attribution in autism. If repairs and pauses are an indication of cognitive load, then this example may point to both ability and deficit in the attribution of propositional attitude. In the second version of the story, there is still some dysfluency over reported speech, but somewhat less: There is just one non- grammatical pause in this segment, in line We will return to the importance of pause length in section 4.

We will consider two examples here. The first example is from version 2 of the story. H Hx H total elapsed time between words 6. This sequence is marked by notable dysfluency. There is a long break between story episodes, after line In the period immediately prior to line 19 begins a breathing pattern that seems to indicate a character hard at work, which leads into and continues throughout the hard to interpret direct speech of the first little pig of lines In lines Lincoln frames the speech in lines as problematic: We postulate that there are two issues being wrestled with by Lincoln here: The repair sequence in lines indicates further difficulty in the mental state attribution process between character, narrator and author.

Although Lincoln presents the material in lines as said by the little pig, the content is a meta-correction to the story schema which in fact should be the domain of the author — Lincoln confuses the character and the author.

This could be viewed as an example of difficulty with attentional flexibility and set shifting in shifting between roles within the narration, in line with deficits in executive function that are hypothesized to occur in autism. In the first retelling of the story, Lincoln begins with the house of sticks the relevant extract is in 10 a. Again note the kinds of pauses which occur in these examples. There is a non-grammatical repeat in example a.

In example b. We need to investigate not just the occurrence of pauses and their type but also the length of pauses and where they occur with respect to the story structure and perspectival shifts. We need to look carefully at where these occur. Long pauses before or in the vicinity of a cluster of other types of dysfluencies seem consistent with the proposal that there is a schema which is in the process of being filled in, so that cognitive work may be being done.

Example 11 a partial repeat of example 1b.

The Story of the Three Little Pigs

Some instances of grammatical pauses thus seem to be more problematic than others. As well as these extra long grammatical pauses, we also find pauses between verb and direct object which seem potentially more dysfluent and indicative of cognitive load than, for instance, those occurring at clause boundaries.

This was the case in example 10 ; another instance can be seen in example 12 below. Consider the following example for instance: In this example there is ms of silence between any and more, which would be coded as a non-grammatical pause on a consistent, mechanical application of the coding criteria we have adopted from the earlier study. However this pause occurs in the context of elongation of the entire intonation unit, as the story draws to a close.

It is completely appropriate and expected in this context. Conclusion Dysfluencies in the language of children with autism have been comparatively little studied, however Thurber and Tager-Flusberg have investigated the distribution of pauses in narratives of children with autism, children with intellectual disabilities, and typically developing children. Substantial earlier work had established a correlation between non- grammatical pause frequency and cognitive load, particularly in regard to lexical choice.

Thurber and Tager-Flusberg found a significant difference in the frequency of non- grammatical pauses in the autism group in comparison to the other two groups, and for the children with autism the frequency of non-grammatical pauses significantly correlated with the length and complexity of their narratives.

There was little difference between the two stories in frequency of pauses with an overall decrease in the frequency of grammatical pauses and increase in the frequency of non-grammatical pauses in the second retelling, along with an increase in the complexity of the story and the speed of narration. On the basis of this exercise we make two main points. First, for this child undertaking this task, we argue that non-grammatical pauses are not the place to look for an indication of cognitive load, and that the notable dysfluencies that we do see in fact suggest that Lincoln is engaged with a demanding cognitive task.

THE THREE LITTLE PIGS

Second, we propose that the kind and location of dysfluencies produced can profitably be examined in detail to explore the aspects of the narrative task which are creating the greatest cognitive demand.

Thus, we identified a class of perseverative repairs, which while in themselves plausibly result from executive control dysfunction which has been associated with autism, are interesting in where they occur: We also saw examples of repair associated with story schema departures, which indicate that the child is concerned to get this right, and long sequences of pausing and dysfluency between narrative episodes.

All these indicate considerable effort in planning if we are looking for areas of cognitive engagement. Although both the story telling task used by Thurber and Tager-Flusberg and the task undertaken by Lincoln involved production of a narrative, only the latter involved reproduction of an internalized story schema.

This may highlight the cognitive load associated with adherence to and perhaps embellishment of a story schema, but would be expected to lower the non-grammatical pause rate, if prior exposure aids lexical choice, reducing associated dysfluencies. We wish then to shift the focus of attention to looking at examples which may indicate cognitive load operating at levels beyond simple lexical choice and syntactic construction, and which may be identified in part via the presence of grammatical rather than ungrammatical pauses although clearly issues of mental state ascription for instance may have an effect on lexical selection as well.

This paper is an exercise in generating interesting analytical options and hypotheses that can be explored further in a larger population of children with autism and typically developing controls. Two avenues of enquiry of interest are: American Psychiatric Publishing. Hillsdale, NJ: Goodwin C Conversational Organization: In particular, the second story contains much more additional information which is a reflection of the different storytelling strategy employed by Lincoln: in this version, there is a much more clearly defined role for the narrator in the inclusion of scene transitions, more detailed scene and mood setting, and a stronger focus on character interactions.

Lincoln is clearly operating with a story schema upon which he elaborates in different ways each time he tells the story. In sum, Lincoln attempts a more ambitious storytelling task in the second version. This is concordant with our impression at the time that he was keen for the opportunity to present what he felt was an improved version of the story.

The second story was also subjectively more dysfluent, in ways we will investigate below. The following examples illustrate how the content of the second version of the story is enlarged from the basic story schema. Most often it was the setting which was elaborated, however in some cases, interactions between the characters were expanded. H Hx H Hx total elapsed time between words 3.

Hx 48 1. There is additional information in the description of the first little pig building his house lines , however the scene settings and transitions are sparse, and the exchange between the first little pig and the wolf contains the formulaic expressions traditionally associated with this story. In contrast, the excerpt from the second retelling 1a contains descriptive scene transitions lines and , detailed scene setting lines , and the exchange between the first little pig and the wolf is quite a departure from the formulaic dialogue in 1b.

Analysis of pauses and cognitive complexity 3. Impressionistically, there are many long pauses and many repairs such as in examples 1a and b , while at the same time Lincoln produces very rich and, in many ways, sophisticated narratives.

As outlined in the previous section, this is particularly the case in the second retelling. There has been only a small amount of previous work on dysfluency and repair in the speech of children with autism Baltaxe ; Epstein ; Geller ; Volden Moreover, only the study by Thurber and Tager-Flusberg has considered dysfluency in narrative production.

A total of thirty children ten in each group were asked to tell the story depicted in the wordless picture story book Frog, Where Are You?

Previous research indicates that pausing behaviour in speech tasks is related to the level of cognitive demand required. Thurber and Tager-Flusberg hypothesised that the narratives of children with autism would contain fewer non-grammatical pauses than either typically developing children or children with intellectual disabilities.

They investigated the frequency of pauses, false starts and repetitions in the narratives of each group. Their results indicate that while there were no significant differences between the groups in the number of repetitions and false starts in the narratives, or in the number of grammatical pauses, there was a significant difference in the number of non-grammatical pauses.

The children with autism had a lower non-grammatical pause frequency than either of the two control groups. Moreover, the children with autism produced shorter and less complex narratives, and the frequency of non-grammatical pauses was significantly correlated with narrative complexity as measured by the number of different words and total number of words produced. Goodwin In our transcription we measured the duration of pauses in Transcriber in tenths of seconds, and coded them accordingly.

False starts were taken to include cases where a recast occurred some way into the clause or turn, not just at the beginning. However, as in the original study, pauses associated with false starts were not counted: by definition false starts involve a structural change, hence it is impossible to ascertain the grammaticality of the intervening pause. Following Thurber and Tager-Flusberg, we also calculated the pause rate per words to allow comparison of the pause frequency between the two retellings.

The following exemplify the pauses coded. In example 2 , the encircled pauses are grammatical. The third pause occurs after a false start bold text and therefore was not included in the analysis. In example 3 , the first two pauses are grammatical while the final pause as encircled was a non-grammatical pause.

Here the pause is non-grammatical because it interrupts a Prepositional Phrase. Consistent with previous studies, the pause indicates high cognitive loading as it is clear that Lincoln is momentarily unsure whether it is the house of straw or the house of sticks the wolf approaches at this point in the story.

Pauses accompanying repetitions occur between an incomplete utterance and the repeated lexical or phrasal element see example 4b.

The issues arise in deciding precisely when a pause occurs within a phrase, and is therefore to be coded as a non-grammatical pause. The fresh fruit from the farm that had fired us noun phrase prep. Phrase subordinate phrase was shipped to Maine and to the South.

Phrase coordinator prep. Phrase 6 b. They also allow for grammatical pauses between a head noun and modifying Prepositional Phrase or Relative Clause see example 4a. They thus treat as complete phrase units those which more conventionally might be regarded as syntactically incomplete, although the boundaries they recognize occur at potential phrase boundaries from a processing point of view.

Nonetheless, we have followed what we take to be their approach in our study. Furthermore, their participants received no verbal stimulus, but were invited to examine the pictures while an experimenter turned the pages; Lincoln was familiar with various verbalizations of the story and performed his own narratives without interruption. That is, we might predict that Lincoln would be quite fluent in his production of at least some sequences within the story, given his previous exposure to it and the formulaic nature of the story itself.

Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to investigate the distribution of the two different kinds of pauses, given the association of non-grammatical pauses with cognitive complexity, and our impression that the second retelling is simultaneously more elaborate and more dysfluent.

Table 1 shows the overall length of the two versions in number of words and in minutes. The second version has more verbal content, yet is spoken at a much faster pace. Areas of disagreement were resolved by discussion.

The small frequencies of non- grammatical pauses are even more surprising in light of the fact that there are higher frequencies of grammatical pauses. However, as discussed above, the nature of the storytelling task is somewhat different between our study and the Thurber and Tager-Flusberg study. The second story contains fewer false starts and fewer grammatical pauses which seems to correspond to the fact that, as indicated in Table 1, it was produced at a faster pace than the first story.

There are slightly more non-grammatical pauses in the second version which could be said to support the idea that this version was a more cognitively demanding task. We wish to challenge this conclusion, however.

A global consideration of dysfluency in these narratives supports these impressions, suggesting that further investigation of dysfluency beyond pause frequencies is required to properly capture cognitive load and investment.

Some examples of other kinds of dysfluency which it is fruitful to consider will be examined in the remainder of this section.

Instead we find many false starts and partial repetitions. He says p. For the most part, a single repair effort deals with a trouble-source. Although not common, two successive repairs […] yielding three tries at that bit of talk — are not rare. Cases with more than two repairs […] are the harder to find the more repair segments are involved. In this example, there are at least two interlocked repair sequences with at least 4 tries at each, and 7 or 8 attempted repairs altogether depending on how you count, as shown in Table 3.

Repair Table 3 An example of perseverative repair sequences Perseveration as a feature of executive control dysfunction is well known in psychological research, particularly in reference to performance tasks. Shallice proposes an information-processing model for perseveration in which executive control dysfunction leads to a failed modulation of a lower level response selection system under a requirement for novel response generation.

Perseveration has been found to be a feature of the performance of children with high functioning autism in studies of executive function e. Liss et al Stereotyped and repetitive use of language has long been recognized as a clinical feature of autism. These characteristics have however been less discussed in the discourse analytic literature. At issue here is a mentalisation task over number which appears to cause some difficulty. Of note is that in the first repair sequence in the example discussed, Lincoln does not perseverate on selection of a lexical item, but rather on the solution of a higher-level repair task.

This is not an isolated incident: there are a number of such clusters of dysfluencies in the stories.

A point of interest is where these clusters occur, and one place is around reported speech. Given that taking the perspective of others is held to be a problem for people with autism Hobson ; Tager-Flusberg , , this is a potentially interesting observation.

In example 6 for instance, Lincoln perseverates on finding a preferred reported speech introducer, and again here none of the pauses are non-grammatical ones. This is interesting in the context of postulated deficits in emotion recognition and attribution in autism. If repairs and pauses are an indication of cognitive load, then this example may point to both ability and deficit in the attribution of propositional attitude.