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Note that the themes are not mutually exclusive, nor fully comprehensive, and that not all spaces fit cleanly within each topic. For that reason, each site of memory on this map falls within at least one of the major thematic categories.
It also includes the major events and ideological and political disputes that characterized the s and that resulted in the installation and consolidation of the military regime. Repressive Structures This category primarily encompasses the network of institutions and physical spaces responsible for the political oppression carried out during the military regime, including the censorship and propaganda apparatus.
It highlights official sites belonging to the Armed Forces, police, or the judiciary as well as clandestine ones. Also included in this list are spaces in which repressive state action constituted attacks or extreme acts of violence. In that sense, it reveals the military, corporate, and civil bloc that enabled the installation of the military dictatorship and its perpetuation for 21 years. Also included are the civil society organizations and businesses targeted by the dictatorship.
Unions and Workers Here, we consider political repression against workers and unions, which was one of the most targeted groups during the dictatorship. Universities and the Student Movement This theme presents the actions carried out by student movement in universities and high schools during the military dictatorship.
It encompasses mobilizations and student protests in the struggle against dictatorship, as well as the conservative education policy and violations of human rights that the State committed in universities and the education sector more broadly. Actions by the Catholic Church This section relates to the role of the Catholic Church during the military regime, spanning from resistance to the dictatorship on the part of priests, bishops, Catholic youth movements, and neighborhoods to the collaboration of conservative sectors of the Church with the coup.
It also deals with the political repression and human rights violations against lay workers, priests, and Catholic activists. State Racism and Black Resistance This theme describes the processes behind the political-cultural articulation of black resistance to the dictatorship. It also covers the specific characteristics of political repression and state violence against the black population, its movements, and cultural projects during the military regime. Political-cultural Resistance and Memory Here, we focus on a range of political and cultural actions critical of the military regime, the various aesthetic languages of resistance to dictatorship, as well as the persecution, censorship, and other restrictions of freedom of speech and political participation that the dictatorship perpetrated.
In that same line of thought, this section also includes initiatives to memorialize the political and social violence of the dictatorship that was carried out during the period after the regime, during the political transition, and after democracy normalized.
Favela Displacements This theme discusses the redefinition of urban space that occurred due to public policies prioritizing elitist and segregationist housing that were implemented in Rio de Janeiro favelas under the military regime. It involves the mass forced displacements as well as other forms of violence intended to prevent the mobilization and social-political organization of favela residents.
Homosexuality and Dictatorship In this section we present mechanisms of resistance of the LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual population during the dictatorship and show the specific acts of discrimination and repression that the regime launched against this part of the population. Gendered Violence This category focuses on the forms of gendered violence practiced by state agents during the military dictatorship. It is one of a series of products that seek to strengthen the reconstruction and promotion of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as to provide symbolic reparation to those affected by political violence in the state of Rio de Janeiro.
For this reason, spaces identified in Rio de Janeiro cities and rural areas are the object of study and guiding thread of this project. Though there were broader structures, actors, processes, and context on a regional, national, and international scale , these sites are considered unique and indispensable vessels for understanding the history and memory of repression and resistance from this period.
The reader has in their hands a collective, multi-authored work. Each participant had a distinct perspective, topic of interest, and style in the way they approached the chosen themes and spaces.
The lack of sameness did not, however, prevent participants from sharing in the special-temporal premise that grounds the project, the pattern that guides the texts, and, above all, the core goal that drove the initiative: to offer the reader a narrative about what happened in the spaces in question, supported by historical knowledge about the past and the memories of witnesses who lived through the period.
Based on the assumption that historical study historiographical knowledge, as we understand it and memory are complimentary and indispensable.
Focused on public space and made for the general public, and under the aegis of human rights and democracy, this memorial process begins to make visible the demands of persecuted and victimized groups. It also begins to make available knowledge about a history that, to a large extent, remains forgotten, ignored, silenced, hidden, and even denied by the State and civil society.
Disputed Memories The question of memory about repression during the military dictatorship does not assume the existence of a single memory, but instead of a plurality of memories. This plurality, in the slow and ongoing political process of settling the score with the violent past, involves a varied range of social, institutional, and state actors.
Their dynamic implies that some memories try to impose themselves over others in a hegemonic way, even though all memories, through their very historicity, suffer changes. These changes are inherent to processes of remembering, forgetting, and silencing that occur according to national and international shifts in context political, legal, ideological, and cultural and in the power relations between key actors.
The origin of the trauma, absence, and shortfalls in the process of memorializing the past of political violence dates back to the period of the military dictatorship. Its most important characteristics and consequences remained during the political transition to democracy and continue to project themselves, to varying degrees, into the normalization of institutional democracy in the s. This redemptive narrative would then be repeated and celebrated in army barracks and in yearly official ceremonies.
It would also continue to be commemorated in barracks until and, in military clubs, through the present day. These measures grew in intensity and fed into the narrative of a Strong Brazil with the effects of official propaganda, which were revamped as patriotic, moralistic, and anti-subversive.
Despite this, groups made up of the families of political prisoners and the disappeared began to demand information from the authorities about the conditions and whereabouts of their relatives as early as At the same time, they would seek out channels to expose crimes committed by the regime. One can see this in various situations and places included in this collection.
Meanwhile, groups of exiled Brazilians abroad and transnational networks of activists for human rights organized reports and lobbied for international recognition of arbitrary imprisonment, systematic torture, killings, and disappearances. In both political contexts, the memory of the groups affected by repression would appear in a varied range of practices and representational forms.
The actors carrying that memory were unable to hold the State accountable for the demands they had made. They remained isolated, socially and politically. These groups prioritized other demands, both old and new, which had been suspended until that point.
This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship.
And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted. The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents.
It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.
It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice.
Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change. The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.
It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded.
There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted.
These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory. The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: the diverse political initiatives taken by the government; the mobilization around demands for memory, truth, and justice, upheld by human rights organizations, social movements, and other collectives; the fledgling process of judicialization, domestically and internationally, in relation to the amnesty law and the right to truth and justice that victims of repression hold this was expressed most clearly in , with the contrasting decisions stated by the Federal Supreme Court STF and the International Court of Human Rights CIDH ; and finally, the reactions, opposition, and negotiations between the Armed Forces and the government at distinct critical moments.
At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship.
What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten. On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past.
This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices. Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties.
It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims.
In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors. The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup. The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.
However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen. The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future.