Congressional quarterly almanac book


 

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Congressional Quarterly Almanac Book

Congressional Quarterly Almanac: th Congress 2nd Session (Cq Almanac) Author interviews, book reviews, editors' picks, and more. Read it now. Congressional Quarterly Almanac, (Cq Almanac) [Inc. Congessional Quarterly] site Best Sellers Rank: #6,, in Books (See Top in Books). Rich has written about Congress for National Journal, Politico and Congressional Quarterly. Rich is the author of several books, including Washington at Work.

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All came to naught. Representative William R. More than anyone else, Representative Edith Green of Oregon pushed for major changes to the congressional Page system—in schooling, housing, work conditions, and qualifications in the performance of their jobs in both the House and Senate. The committee, which Green chaired, relied on an evaluation of the Capitol Page School by an independent school accreditation association, solicited information from college educators, and interviewed Capitol Page School staff, House officials, and Page supervisors.

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A century earlier, virtually all congressional Pages lived with their families in or near the District of Columbia, but by the mid-twentieth century the situation was nearly reversed. Of the 98 boys who attended the Capitol Page School during , only one third of them were from Washington, D. The first was to continue the existing system of appointing high school-aged Pages, with several modifications: admit only juniors and seniors; select Pages on a nondiscriminatory basis without regard to race, religion, or sex; set minimum academic credentials for admittance and require enrollment in the Capitol Page School; and limit Page service to no more than one calendar year and no less than a typical school semester.

Most significantly, the committee recommended that Congress build, maintain, and oversee a dual Page residence and school in which the Capitol Page School could be located.

One obstacle was that as two distinct institutions the House and Senate chose not to coordinate Page policy. When Congress weighed reforms eventually incorporated into the Legislative Reorganization Act of , one proposal they considered would have required Pages to be college-aged students and to have graduated from high school but be younger than 21 years of age.

That proposal was stripped from the final legislation in favor of a requirement that set the ages from 16 to 18, and stipulated that no Page could be appointed after his later her 18th birthday. In June , press reports surfaced that federal and local law enforcement officials were investigating allegations of a D.

In this atmosphere, the House passed H. Joseph A. Califano, Jr. But investigators uncovered several incidents of illicit drug sales and use by congressional staff, as well as two instances in which sitting House Members had engaged in sexual relationships with Pages over the course of the prior decade. On July 20, , the House censured Daniel B.

Crane of Illinois and Gerry E. Studds of Massachusetts for sexual misconduct with year-old House Pages. Comprised of Members, key staff, and former Pages, the commission eventually recommended significant changes. First, in rejecting proposals to use senior citizens or college students as Pages, it recommended that only high school juniors at least 16 years of age would qualify and that they would serve a single academic semester.

The chamber approved the board on November 30, Under the commission proposal, Pages would be required to live in a proctored dormitory established and managed by the House.

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Finally, the commission also recommended that the longstanding relationship with the District of Columbia Public Schools be terminated and that the House establish its own accredited private Page School. In , when the House abolished the Office of the Doorkeeper and dispersed its responsibilities among the other elected Officers, the Clerk of the House, under the direction of the House Page Board, assumed responsibility for the entire Page program.

The primary source is Office of the Curator of the U. While the bill specifically forbade using children younger than 14 to perform most Page tasks, it also had another provision that prohibited children under 16 from working between the hours of 7 p. Considering the frequent nighttime sessions in both the House and Senate, this raised another potential barrier to using boys as Pages. House of Representatives, 88th Cong.

Other Members pressed for the need to employ college-aged students.

Congressional Quarterly almanac, 1994 : 103rd Congress, 2nd session

Cleveland et al. Washington, D. See also, Congressional Record, House, 98th Cong.

RL Washington, D. Twenty-one cosponsors from both parties—ranging from Patricia Schroeder of Colorado to Newt Gingrich of Georgia—signed on. There is remarkably little payoff in learning the precise differences in temperament and background among Jeb Hensarling, Thelma Drake, Louie Gohmert, and Phil Gingrey -- all Republicans with carbon-copy voting records. And the districts they represent are less likely to embody distinct communities than they once did.

As in past volumes, many write-ups in the current Almanac begin with a vivid rendering of, say, Jacksonville or Austin, only to admit a few sentences later that the actual district contains only parts of that city, plus a narrow strip of counties extending hundreds of miles out. Sophisticated redistricting schemes have surely reduced the significance of place in congressional politics.

Third, Barone's political evolution didn't stop at Gingrich -- he just kept going, so that he now occupies the rightmost corner even in his current haunts at AEI and Fox News. It's a strange kind of conservatism, which seems based largely on the conviction that liberals are soft and stupid. Barone also seems to be consciously rejecting everything about his younger self.

A year ago he wrote that critical press coverage of Vietnam and Watergate had led to "defeats for America -- and for millions of freedom-loving people in the world. They ushered in an era when the political opposition and much of the press have sought not just to defeat administrations but to delegitimize them.

Richard Nixon, by obstructing investigation of the Watergate burglary, unwittingly colluded in the successful attempt to besmirch his administration. More significant for the Almanac, Barone has come to embrace a strict dualist view of the world. In , he authored an entire book, Hard and Soft America, in which various books, ideas, policies, and politicians are classified as either "Hard" good or "Soft" bad.

Social Security: Soft. Rudy Giuliani: Hard. Intellectuals: Soft. Most baby boomers: Soft. But George W. Bush: "a consistent advocate of Hardness. But what place is there for such pluralism in a world of Hard and Soft, Crunchy and Soggy?

If everything is darkness or light, what's the use of an Almanac of American Politics?

What do you really need besides an up-to-date Enemies List? For the most part, though, these Manichean views do not poison the individual profiles that make up the bulk of the current Almanac -- perhaps a hint that Barone should be considered the "author" of only the sections on which he is specifically credited. The profiles are mostly respectful. Gone is the straight-talking contempt of, say, the old Markey profile, but gone also is the unalloyed hero-worship of certain smart and effective legislators.

There are occasional hints of Barone's hand in the odd use of a passive, victimized voice to describe certain Republicans embroiled in scandal: A defeated Rep. Richard Pombo's troubles are attributed only to "a withering assault" from environmental groups rather than his own shameless corruption. The self-immolation of Tom DeLay's machine, the most transformative rise and fall in recent congressional history, is passed over lightly.

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Perhaps, like Nixon, DeLay unwittingly colluded with his enemies! And what about Barone's own part of the book? His ideological journey made him an appropriate and sympathetic guide to the turns of both and , so how has he handled the third great turn, the Democratic takeover of ? He doesn't even try. We are entering "a period of open-field politics," he predicts, "when there are no permanent alliances We are surely at a hinge point in American politics, much like that of The airtight Republican system has self-destructed; what sort of Republican Party survives Bush is an open question.

As in the s, there is likely to again be an opportunity for individual members of Congress to transcend the institution and make change, but the system is also open in all sorts of new ways. The new activists of the Internet will make a difference, as will stronger political parties. States and their legislators may be the prime movers of the new politics.

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