All digital issues of Black Men magazine, read, view online and download free pdf. HIP HOP MODELS VIDEO BLACK MEN MAGAZINE Hip hop or hip-hop, is a culture and ma, 25 mrt GMT ruthenpress.info Resolve a. Black Men Magazine. Digital Includes: PDF WebViewer. Details; Description. Published by: Marcus Blassingame; Published: 10/24/; Specs: Standard.
|Language:||English, Spanish, Hindi|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Register to download]|
black men magazine pdf. A website deticated to bring free magazines. Here you will find the latest pdf magazines and download them for free. Magazines in. This study will analyze the diffusion and portrayal of black men in magazine advertising in black-oriented and mainstream publications, and draw a comparison. Made, laid and paid: photographic masculinities in a black men's magazine Downloaded by [University of Stellenbosch] at 28 November Stella.
In the four single-page photographs they are fully clothed and interact in a suggestive but not tawdry manner. The double-page image is slightly saucier.
The female model, wearing pink lingerie, reclines on a bed while the male model, who is looking at her from across the room, seems to be in the act of undoing his pants. He is topless. Behind them the curtains are open and palm fronds can be seen in the dusk, creating an exotic setting for what is to come.
The female model touches her leg lightly with symbolic long, red ingernails. Although the magazine does, in other words, include the occasional evocative shoot, these are usually painstakingly and disappointingly?
The models employed by BL! This is not to say that the women are not beautiful and slim, but they do not seem to have unusually large breasts or especially light skins. They simply appear to be naturally beautiful black women. The absence of a male suitor in an FHM shoot presumably allows their hopeful readers to cast themselves in the role of the libidinous lover.
Instead of representing sex as an act of passively looking, BL! NK subverts the norm by involving a man. This supports the construction of black men as men and not boys, since active participation in sex is a rite reserved for adult men.
South African sociologist, Khumisho Moguerane , identiies sensuality as an important component of perceived black identity. Moguerane ibid. In contrast to this image of white men as uptight and incapable, black men are expected to exude a kind of sexual ease or inviting sensuality.
Even the most boorish reader knows this. The point is that BL! NK seems to challenge traditional Western assumptions about visual and psycho-sexual self-interest being the exclusive right of women. NK emphasises the disposition of modern, black urbane men who embrace the ethos and accoutrement of self-beautiication.
Not so in BL! It almost becomes an act of respect to himself and his partner to take care of himself. The anxiety around potential allegations of homo-eroticism seems either absent or infantile. The copy that accompanies the spread reads: Through photographic spreads such as this one and there are many others like it the magazine positions both men and women as visually desirable — an attribute usually intimately connected to femininity.
Men are also represented as valid occupants of private space the home and the bedroom , whereas traditionally women were photographically constructed as the exclusive tenants of the private domain. By upturning the hierarchic stratiication which visually relegates the public as masculine and the private as feminine, BL! NK facilitates the crossover between these spaces for both sexes. Here, too, the maturity of BL!
The speciic photographic shoot discussed here can be read in a number of different ways and is not without problems in terms of gender stereotyping. However, the author maintains that within the context of BL! NK represents a sexuality that involves two active participants. Most of the photographs in BL! NK are, however, distinctly public. Figure 4: One is a double-page spread of photographs of celebrities at the Vodacom Durban July horse race Figure 4.
The other is a double- page spread of the afterparty that BL! NK hosted for the Durban July the following morning Figure 5. Both spreads include informal shots of various black partygoers, seemingly in a jolly mood. As in such photographic shoots in tabloid magazines, both features allow readers to feel like they are sharing in the festivities and have kindly been included in the fun. For Barthes Readers are reminded of this in these images in BL!
NK that document the Downloaded by [University of Stellenbosch] at In GQ, for instance, the aestheticised tone of the magazine is an important part of the brand strategy and must therefore be consistently conveyed through the photographs in the magazine. Thus, photographic representations of men and especially women in GQ look so polished, so touched up as to almost be fetishistically unreal.
Through their candid actuality the photographs found in BL! Figure 5: NK afterparty BL! The fact that BL! NK included photographs of so many real women and men as they are apparently not touched up or manipulated , means that the magazine made some small contribution to the representational diversity of black men and women in South Africa. In this way the magazine created a platform for the diverse visualisation of the upwardly mobile classes of black South Africans.
According to Okui Enwezor NK, in other words, indexes or archives popular strains of post-apartheid black masculinity in its most aspirational form, and in so doing contests the persistent apartheid optic.
In this respect, as a memory bank of the factual possibilities of both documentary and archival practices, BL! NK went some way toward broadening visualised representational potentialities for black South African men.
Instead, whether consciously or not, the magazine opted for a more entangled reading of gender that acknowledged the inevitable ways in which identities — visual or otherwise — coalesce.
Laden As the following quote shows, her defence of the aspirational ethos is nevertheless helpful in understanding BL! As particularly styled print commodities geared to the changing relations between persons, object and ways of mediating the world in modern-day South Africa, consumer magazines render meaningful, without always putting into action, a shared repertoire of middle-class, everyday experiences, lifestyle options, and social practices.
In terms of the very unrealistic or unrepresentative nature of the images contained for the vast majority of South African men, one might easily argue that the photographs only serve to frustrate.
Sabine Kriebel She adds: NK may provide its readers: The momentary suspension of disbelief probably plays a signiicant role in the pleasure experienced when paging through a glossy magazine and looking at the photographs it contains, but this is not necessarily a bad thing. Through willing Downloaded by [University of Stellenbosch] at Susan Feagin Alternatively it may be in the very entangled, hybrid, performative nature of these typologies that their vernacular texture lies. In keeping with the pessimism of the s, Siegfried Kracauer in Kriebel NK played in documenting and imagining, within the public domain, seemingly nascent masculinities.
Finally, having mooted that these commodiied photographs could contribute to social comment and change, it is necessary to concede that they may also lead to complacency. Photography democratises, but it also distracts. Notes 1 Since an analysis of BL! See Viljoen Possibly the main reason BL! NK failed was in its conception.
The business plan could have possibly taken a few things into account, which it did not. Expected ad revenues were overestimated, costs underestimated and circulation igures too optimistic.
Unrealistically so for a brand new and independent title. Perhaps this was the fault of industry inexperience on the part of the founders.
Secondly, other factors that came into play affected the proper running of the magazine, factors such as distribution challenges, marketing misdirection and a general magazine market decline.
The re-emergence of the black lifestyle magazine, Tribute, in may also be a contributing Downloaded by [University of Stellenbosch] at NK, since many of the intended readers of BL! NK may have preferred Tribute which was an older, more established brand and targeted both male and female readers.
In keeping with stereotypical portrayals of the ruthless corporate tyrant, Kentridge illustrated Eckstein as a Jewish real-estate tycoon attired in an over-sized pin-stripe suit and constantly smoking. David Fleminger ibid. McNair sees the infusion of elements of seemingly gay as well as feminine style into models of straight masculinity as a Downloaded by [University of Stellenbosch] at References Barthes, R.
Camera lucida: New York: Hill and Wang. Berger, G. Towards an analysis of the South African media and transformation, — Bertelsen, E. Ads and amnesia: In Negotiating the past, ed. Coetzee and S. Nuttall, — Cape Town: Oxford University Press.
Bly, R. Iron John: Carter, C. Comrades and community: University of the Witwatersrand. Clare, A. On men: Coward, R.
Sacred cows: Is feminism relevant to the new millennium? Harper Collins. Durrheim, K. Quayle, K. The mailman arrived with the suit. The Rosses could not pay. The suit was sent back. Clyde Ross did not go to the church program. He thought about fighting. He was drafted into the Army. The draft officials offered him an exemption if he stayed home and worked.
He preferred to take his chances with war. He was stationed in California. He found that he could go into stores without being bothered. He could walk the streets without being harassed.
He could go into a restaurant and receive service.
Ross was shipped off to Guam. He fought in World War II to save the world from tyranny. But when he returned to Clarksdale, he found that tyranny had followed him home. This was , eight years before Mississippi lynched Emmett Till and tossed his broken body into the Tallahatchie River. The Great Migration, a mass exodus of 6 million African Americans that spanned most of the 20th century, was now in its second wave.
The black pilgrims did not journey north simply seeking better wages and work, or bright lights and big adventures. They were fleeing the acquisitive warlords of the South. They were seeking the protection of the law.
Clyde Ross was among them. He made a stable wage. He married. He had children. His paycheck was his own.
No Klansmen stripped him of the vote. When he walked down the street, he did not have to move because a white man was walking past. He did not have to take off his hat or avert his gaze. His journey from peonage to full citizenship seemed near-complete. Only one item was missing—a home, that final badge of entry into the sacred order of the American middle class of the Eisenhower years. The community was anchored by the sprawling Sears, Roebuck headquarters.
But out in the tall grass, highwaymen, nefarious as any Clarksdale kleptocrat, were lying in wait. From the s through the s, black people across the country were largely cut out of the legitimate home-mortgage market. Three months after Clyde Ross moved into his house, the boiler blew out.
His payments were made to the seller, not the bank. And Ross had not signed a normal mortgage. In a contract sale, the seller kept the deed until the contract was paid in full—and, unlike with a normal mortgage, Ross would acquire no equity in the meantime. The men who peddled contracts in North Lawndale would sell homes at inflated prices and then evict families who could not pay—taking their down payment and their monthly installments as profit. The truth was that there was no financing for people like Clyde Ross.
From the s through the s, black people across the country were largely cut out of the legitimate home-mortgage market through means both legal and extralegal. Their efforts were buttressed by the federal government. In , Congress created the Federal Housing Administration. The FHA insured private mortgages, causing a drop in interest rates and a decline in the size of the down payment required to buy a house. But an insured mortgage was not a possibility for Clyde Ross. The FHA had adopted a system of maps that rated neighborhoods according to their perceived stability.
They were colored in red. Neither the percentage of black people living there nor their social class mattered. Black people were viewed as a contagion. Redlining went beyond FHA-backed loans and spread to the entire mortgage industry, which was already rife with racism, excluding black people from most legitimate means of obtaining a mortgage.
Oliver and Thomas M. In Chicago and across the country, whites looking to achieve the American dream could rely on a legitimate credit system backed by the government.
Blacks were herded into the sights of unscrupulous lenders who took them for money and for sport. During this period, according to one estimate, 85 percent of all black home buyers who bought in Chicago bought on contract. North Lawndale became a ghetto. Clyde Ross still lives there. He still owns his home. He is 91, and the emblems of survival are all around him—awards for service in his community, pictures of his children in cap and gown.
But when I asked him about his home in North Lawndale, I heard only anarchy. He was sitting at his dining-room table. His glasses were as thick as his Clarksdale drawl.
So how dumb am I? I just left this mess. I just left no laws. And no regard. And then I come here and get cheated wide open.
You could fall through the cracks easy fighting these white people. And no law. But fight Clyde Ross did.
Contract sellers used every tool at their disposal to pilfer from their clients. They scared white residents into selling low. They presented themselves as real-estate brokers, when in fact they were the owners. They guided their clients to lawyers who were in on the scheme.
The Contract Buyers League fought back. They refused to pay their installments, instead holding monthly payments in an escrow account.
They were no longer fleeing in hopes of a better deal elsewhere. They were charging society with a crime against their community. They wanted the crime publicly ruled as such.
And they wanted restitution for the great injury brought upon them by said offenders. What would that have been? Their work, says John I. In them the laws of our familiar world are broken: Mild-mannered students become godlike creatures, mutants walk among us and untold power is, in an instant, granted to the most downtrodden. They offer an escape from reality, and who might need to escape reality more than a people kidnapped to a stolen land and treated as less-than-complete humans?
If projects by and about black men have a hard time getting made, projects by and about black women have a nearly impossible one. Can films like these significantly change things for black people in America? It was an attempt to claim for us a home, because to be black in America is to be both with and without one: You are told that you must honor this land, that to refuse this is tantamount to hatred — but you are also told that you do not belong here, that you are a burden, an animal, a slave.
Haley, through research and narrative and a fair bit of invention, was doing precisely what Afrofuturism does: imagining our blackness as a thing with meaning and with lineage, with value and place. Burton was just 19 when he landed an audition, his first ever, for the lead role of young Kunta Kinte in the mini-series. America, both black and white, was getting an emotional education about the costs of slavery to our common American psyche.
Its final episode was viewed by Our contingent is made up of my year-old daughter and her friend; my year-old son and his friend; one of my oldest confidants, dating back to adolescence; and two of my closest current friends.
Not everyone knows everyone else. But we all know enough.
Our group will be eight black people strong. We know that there is no end to the reminders that our lives, our hearts, our personhoods are expendable. Yes, many nonblack people will say differently; they will declare their love for us, they will post Martin Luther King Jr. But the actions of our country and its collective society, and our experiences within it, speak unquestionably to the opposite. Love for black people is Oscar Grant not being dead in the first place. This is why we love ourselves in the loud and public way we do — because we have to counter his death with the very same force with which such deaths attack our souls.
The writer and academic Eve L. Ewing told me a story about her partner, a professor of economics at the University of Chicago: When it is time for graduation, he makes the walk from his office to the celebration site in his full regalia — the gown with velvet panels, full bell sleeves and golden piping, the velvet tam with gold-strand bullion tassel. We hold one another as a family because we must be a family in order to survive.
Our individual successes and failures belong, in a perfectly real sense, to all of us. That can be for good or ill. But when it is good, it is very good. It is sunlight and gold on vast African mountains, it is the shining splendor of the Wakandan warriors poised and ready to fight, it is a collective soul as timeless and indestructible as vibranium.