10 STORIES OF COLLECTIVE HOUSING. Subtitle. A graphical analysis of inspiring masterpieces by a+t research group. ISBN Authors. 10 Stories of Collective Housing. Graphical analysis of inspiring masterpieces. ISBN a+t research group. Soft cover (17 x ). English. Read Read 10 Stories of Collective Housing Download file Free acces Get Now: ruthenpress.info?book= This.
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A&T () 10 Stories of Collective Housing. Leonidas Koutsoumpos. L. Koutsoumpos. Loading Preview. Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can . 10 Stories of Collective Housing by A+t Research Group [Aurora Fernandez Per, Javier Mozas, Alex S. Ollero] on ruthenpress.info *FREE* shipping on qualifying. For the first time ever, a+t research group has conducted an analysis of ten inspiring masterpieces through drawings and texts highlighting the.
They are adults — and often parents — wiping down hotel showers and toilets, taking food orders and bussing tables, eviscerating chickens at meat-processing plants, minding children at hour day care centers, picking berries, emptying trash cans, stacking grocery shelves at midnight, driving taxis and Ubers, answering customer-service hotlines, smoothing hot asphalt on freeways, teaching community-college students as adjunct professors and, yes, bagging groceries and scooping ice cream in paper hats.
America prides itself on being the country of economic mobility, a place where your station in life is limited only by your ambition and grit. But changes in the labor market have shrunk the already slim odds of launching yourself from the mailroom to the boardroom.
For one, the job market has bifurcated, increasing the distance between good and bad jobs. Working harder and longer will not translate into a promotion if employers pull up the ladders and offer supervisory positions exclusively to people with college degrees. Because large companies now farm out many positions to independent contractors, those who buff the floors at Microsoft or wash the sheets at the Sheraton typically are not employed by Microsoft or Sheraton, thwarting any hope of advancing within the company.
Nearly 40 percent of full-time hourly workers know their work schedules just a week or less in advance. And if you give it your all in a job you can land with a high-school diploma or less , that job might not exist for very long: Half of all new positions are eliminated within the first year.
Half of these workers depend on public assistance to make ends meet. Vanessa formed a rapport with several of her clients, to whom she confided that she was homeless. She needed the money and had been picking up fill-in shifts. Vanessa was grateful for the help. Vanessa is not even close — and she is one of the lucky ones, at least among the poor. They helped raise her income, but not above the poverty line.
This has caused growing inequality below the poverty line, with the working poor receiving much more social aid than the abandoned nonworking poor or the precariously employed, who are plunged into destitution. When life feels especially grinding, Vanessa often rings up Sheri Sprouse, her best friend since middle school. But Sheri herself is also just scraping by, raising two daughters on a fixed disability check.
Vanessa received some help last year, when her youngest child, Tatiyana, was approved for Supplemental Security Income because of a learning disability. A study by Oxfam America found that two-thirds of working poor people worry about being able to afford enough food. When Vanessa stayed at a hotel, her food options were limited to what she could heat in the microwave; when she slept in her car, the family had to settle for grab-and-go options, which tend to be more expensive.
Sometimes her kids went to school hungry. For dinner, she planned to stop by a food pantry, hoping they still had the mac-and-cheese that Shamal liked. In America, if you work hard, you will succeed. So those who do not succeed have not worked hard. According to a survey conducted by the American Enterprise Institute, nearly two-thirds of respondents did not think most poor people held a steady job; in reality, that year a majority of nondisabled working-age adults were part of the labor force.
Slightly over one-third of respondents in the survey believed that most welfare recipients would prefer to stay on welfare rather than earn a living. These sorts of assumptions about the poor are an American phenomenon. A study by the sociologist Ofer Sharone found that unemployed workers in the United States blame themselves, while unemployed workers in Israel blame the hiring system.
When Americans see a homeless man cocooned in blankets, we often wonder how he failed. When the French see the same man, they wonder how the state failed him. If you believe that people are poor because they are not working, then the solution is not to make work pay but to make the poor work — to force them to clock in somewhere, anywhere, and log as many hours as they can.
But consider Vanessa. Her story is emblematic of a larger problem: the fact that millions of Americans work with little hope of finding security and comfort. In recent decades, America has witnessed the rise of bad jobs offering low pay, no benefits and little certainty.
When it comes to poverty, a willingness to work is not the problem, and work itself is no longer the solution. CreditDevin Yalkin for The New York Times Until the late 18th century, poverty in the West was considered not only durable but desirable for economic growth. Mercantilism, the dominant economic theory of the early modern period, held that hunger incentivized work and kept wages low. Wards of public charity were jailed and required to work to eat.
In the current era, politicians and their publics have continued to demand toil and sweat from the poor. In the s, conservatives wanted to attach work requirements to food stamps. In the s, they wanted to impose work requirements on subsidized-housing programs. Both proposals failed, but the impulse has endured. Advocates of work requirements scored a landmark victory with welfare reform in the mids. Proposed by House Republicans, led by Speaker Newt Gingrich, and signed into law by President Bill Clinton, welfare reform affixed work requirements and time limits to cash assistance.
Caseloads fell to 4. Was it a major success in reducing poverty and sowing prosperity? Most troubling, without guaranteed cash assistance for the most needy, extreme poverty in America surged. Roughly three million children — which exceeds the population of Chicago — now suffer under these conditions. Most of those children live with an adult who held a job sometime during the year. In January, the federal government announced that it would let states require that Medicaid recipients work.
A dozen states have formally applied for a federal waiver to affix work requirements to their Medicaid programs. Four have been approved. In June, Arkansas became the first to implement newly approved work requirements. If all states instated Medicaid work requirements similar to that of Arkansas, as many as four million Americans could lose their health insurance.
In April, President Trump issued an executive order mandating that federal agencies review welfare programs, from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program to housing assistance, and propose new standards. Although SNAP already has work requirements, in June the House passed a draft farm bill that would deny able-bodied adults SNAP benefits for an entire year if they did not work or engage in work-related activities like job training for at least 20 hours a week during a single month.
Falling short a second time could get you barred for three years. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that work requirements could deny 1. Work requirements affixed to other programs make similar demands.
In a low-wage labor market characterized by fluctuating hours, tenuous employment and involuntary part-time work, a large share of vulnerable workers fall short of these requirements. Nationally representative data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation show that among workers who qualify for Medicaid, almost 50 percent logged fewer than 80 hours in at least one month.
Researchers set out to study welfare dependency in the s and s, when this issue dominated public debate. One study found that 90 percent of young women on welfare stopped relying on it within two years of starting the program, but most of them returned to welfare sometime down the road. Even at its peak, welfare did not function as a dependency trap for a majority of recipients; rather, it was something people relied on when they were between jobs or after a family crisis.
According to the Brookings Institution, in one-third of those living in poverty were children, 11 percent were elderly and 24 percent were working-age adults 18 to 64 in the labor force, working or seeking work. The majority of working-age poor people connected to the labor market were part-time workers. Among the remaining working-age adults, 12 percent were out of the labor force owing to a disability including some enrolled in federal programs that limit work , 15 percent were either students or caregivers and 3 percent were early retirees.
That leaves 2 percent of poor people who did not fit into one of these categories. That is, among the poor, two in are working-age adults disconnected from the labor market for unknown reasons. The nonworking poor person getting something for nothing is a lot like the cheat committing voter fraud: pariahs who loom far larger in the American imagination than in real life.
When Vanessa was not working for Bayada, she was running after her kids. Vanessa worried over Shamal the most.
At more than six feet tall, his size made him both a tool and a target in the neighborhood. Smaller kids wanted him to be their enforcer or trouble-starter. Harder kids saw him as a threat. Last year, Shamal was suspended twice for fighting. As punishment, Vanessa made him shave off his prized Afro. Vanessa wondered if she could get Shamal a police-issued ankle bracelet, which would track his movements.
It was impossible, of course, but Shamal liked the idea. It was too far for Ross to walk and get back in time to work in the fields. Local white children had a school bus. Clyde Ross did not, and thus lost the chance to better his education.
Then, when Ross was 10 years old, a group of white men demanded his only childhood possession—the horse with the red coat. And they took him. Put him on the racetrack. Landowners were supposed to split the profits from the cotton fields with sharecroppers. But bales would often disappear during the count, or the split might be altered on a whim. If cotton was selling for 50 cents a pound, the Ross family might get 15 cents, or only five. She ordered the suit by mail. The mailman arrived with the suit.
The Rosses could not pay. The suit was sent back. Clyde Ross did not go to the church program. He thought about fighting. He was drafted into the Army. The draft officials offered him an exemption if he stayed home and worked. He preferred to take his chances with war. He was stationed in California. He found that he could go into stores without being bothered.
He could walk the streets without being harassed. He could go into a restaurant and receive service. Ross was shipped off to Guam. He fought in World War II to save the world from tyranny. But when he returned to Clarksdale, he found that tyranny had followed him home. This was , eight years before Mississippi lynched Emmett Till and tossed his broken body into the Tallahatchie River.
The Great Migration, a mass exodus of 6 million African Americans that spanned most of the 20th century, was now in its second wave. The black pilgrims did not journey north simply seeking better wages and work, or bright lights and big adventures. They were fleeing the acquisitive warlords of the South. They were seeking the protection of the law. Clyde Ross was among them. He made a stable wage. He married.
He had children. His paycheck was his own. No Klansmen stripped him of the vote. When he walked down the street, he did not have to move because a white man was walking past. He did not have to take off his hat or avert his gaze. His journey from peonage to full citizenship seemed near-complete. Only one item was missing—a home, that final badge of entry into the sacred order of the American middle class of the Eisenhower years.
The community was anchored by the sprawling Sears, Roebuck headquarters. But out in the tall grass, highwaymen, nefarious as any Clarksdale kleptocrat, were lying in wait. From the s through the s, black people across the country were largely cut out of the legitimate home-mortgage market. Three months after Clyde Ross moved into his house, the boiler blew out. His payments were made to the seller, not the bank.
And Ross had not signed a normal mortgage. In a contract sale, the seller kept the deed until the contract was paid in full—and, unlike with a normal mortgage, Ross would acquire no equity in the meantime. The men who peddled contracts in North Lawndale would sell homes at inflated prices and then evict families who could not pay—taking their down payment and their monthly installments as profit.
The truth was that there was no financing for people like Clyde Ross.
From the s through the s, black people across the country were largely cut out of the legitimate home-mortgage market through means both legal and extralegal. Their efforts were buttressed by the federal government. In , Congress created the Federal Housing Administration. The FHA insured private mortgages, causing a drop in interest rates and a decline in the size of the down payment required to download a house.
But an insured mortgage was not a possibility for Clyde Ross. The FHA had adopted a system of maps that rated neighborhoods according to their perceived stability. They were colored in red. Neither the percentage of black people living there nor their social class mattered. Black people were viewed as a contagion. Redlining went beyond FHA-backed loans and spread to the entire mortgage industry, which was already rife with racism, excluding black people from most legitimate means of obtaining a mortgage.
Oliver and Thomas M. In Chicago and across the country, whites looking to achieve the American dream could rely on a legitimate credit system backed by the government. Blacks were herded into the sights of unscrupulous lenders who took them for money and for sport.
During this period, according to one estimate, 85 percent of all black home downloaders who bought in Chicago bought on contract. North Lawndale became a ghetto. Clyde Ross still lives there.
He still owns his home. He is 91, and the emblems of survival are all around him—awards for service in his community, pictures of his children in cap and gown.
But when I asked him about his home in North Lawndale, I heard only anarchy. He was sitting at his dining-room table. His glasses were as thick as his Clarksdale drawl. So how dumb am I? I just left this mess. I just left no laws. And no regard. And then I come here and get cheated wide open.
You could fall through the cracks easy fighting these white people. And no law. But fight Clyde Ross did. Contract sellers used every tool at their disposal to pilfer from their clients.
They scared white residents into selling low. They presented themselves as real-estate brokers, when in fact they were the owners. They guided their clients to lawyers who were in on the scheme. The Contract downloaders League fought back.
They refused to pay their installments, instead holding monthly payments in an escrow account. They were no longer fleeing in hopes of a better deal elsewhere. They were charging society with a crime against their community. They wanted the crime publicly ruled as such. And they wanted restitution for the great injury brought upon them by said offenders.
In , Clyde Ross and the Contract downloaders League were no longer simply seeking the protection of the law. They were seeking reparations. In its population was , Today it is 36, The neighborhood is 92 percent black.
Its homicide rate is 45 per ,—triple the rate of the city as a whole. The infant-mortality rate is 14 per 1,—more than twice the national average. Forty-five percent of all households are on food stamps—nearly three times the rate of the city at large.
Sears, Roebuck left the neighborhood in , taking 1, jobs with it. North Lawndale is an extreme portrait of the trends that ail black Chicago. Such is the magnitude of these ailments that it can be said that blacks and whites do not inhabit the same city. When the Harvard sociologist Robert J. Sampson examined incarceration rates in Chicago in his book, Great American City, he found that a black neighborhood with one of the highest incarceration rates West Garfield Park had a rate more than 40 times as high as the white neighborhood with the highest rate Clearing.
The humiliation of Whites Only signs are gone. Rates of black poverty have decreased. Black teen-pregnancy rates are at record lows—and the gap between black and white teen-pregnancy rates has shrunk significantly. But such progress rests on a shaky foundation, and fault lines are everywhere.
The income gap between black and white households is roughly the same today as it was in Patrick Sharkey, a sociologist at New York University, studied children born from through and found that 4 percent of whites and 62 percent of blacks across America had been raised in poor neighborhoods. A generation later, the same study showed, virtually nothing had changed. And whereas whites born into affluent neighborhoods tended to remain in affluent neighborhoods, blacks tended to fall out of them.
This is not surprising. Black families, regardless of income, are significantly less wealthy than white families.
The Pew Research Center estimates that white households are worth roughly 20 times as much as black households, and that whereas only 15 percent of whites have zero or negative wealth, more than a third of blacks do. Effectively, the black family in America is working without a safety net.
When financial calamity strikes—a medical emergency, divorce, job loss—the fall is precipitous. And just as black families of all incomes remain handicapped by a lack of wealth, so too do they remain handicapped by their restricted choice of neighborhood.
Black people with upper-middle-class incomes do not generally live in upper-middle-class neighborhoods. As a rule, poor black people do not work their way out of the ghetto—and those who do often face the horror of watching their children and grandchildren tumble back.