COLLECTION OF ISLAMIC BOOKS IN HINDO. Great books but some of books are belongs to wahaabi and devbandis please check it. Topics islam, urdu, allah, muhammad, nabi, rasool, sahaba, sunni, shia, ahle hadith, brelvi, brelwi, bareli, breli, deobandi, tableeghi, ahle. Masalak Deoband. Hakeem ul Islam Qari Muhammed Tayyab Qasmi حکیم الاسلام قاری محمد طیب قاسمی صاحب. Shares. Donate to ruthenpress.info
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Lughat ul Adwiyah, Best Urdu Books on Tib e Unani, Unani Book Urdu, Book on Unani Medicine, Unani Books in Hindi, Unani Nuskhe in Hindi, Gharelu Nuskhe. Islamic Knowledge Hindi Islami Book Download as PDF - Free download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read online for free. Roza Namaz Haaj O Zaqaat. download Islamic Books in Hindi online in India from ruthenpress.info; ✓Lowest Price ✓ Best Quality ✓COD and ✓Free home delivery on eligible items.
Islamic Books Collection [Hindi] A.
Islamic Books [Text Files in Hindi] 1. Islam Keya Hai? What is Islam? Download Hindi Fonts 2. Aakhiri Paighambar The Last Messenger pdf 3.
Islam Yah hai This is Islam: Islam Kripa aur Daya ka Dharm hai Islam is a religion of mercy 5. Islam aur maanav samaaj Islam and Society pdf 6. Islam dharma kee Mahaanta Greatness of Islam, as a religion 8.
Islam dharma kee Visheshtaa Virtues of Islam 9. Vishwa Samaaj Universal appeal of Islam Islam Ek Adhyyan Understanding Islam pdf Manavta-purn Aishwarya Dharma Islam: Ek Swayam-sidh Jeevan Vyewastha Islam: A proven Way of Life Keya Taqleed Laazim zarooree Hai? Is Taqleed compulsory?
E , became an important part of the oral and written culture of both the Shia Kingdoms of the Deccan and the kingdom of Oudh. Indeed, they were an important part of the poetic sensibilities of even Sunni Muslims all over north India and present-day Pakistan. Such elegies were written in Urdu by poets, such as Hashmi Baijapuri Mulla Vajhi etc, in the Deccan Shareef, ; Siddiqui, Later, in Lucknow Mir Anees d.
Let us now come to the implications of these facts for Pakistan. Urdu, Muslim Identity and Pakistan 23Islam and language both contributed to the creation of Pakistan, a state for the Muslims of British India, in Islam was the principal identity symbol of the Indian Muslims who got mobilized to give a united opposition to the Hindu majority to obtain maximum political and economic advantages Jalal, and then, under the leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah , partitioned India to create Pakistan and Bharat India.
Urdu, which had become a symbol of Muslim identity during the 19th century, was the subsidiary symbol of the Indian Muslim identity King, which helped establish the new state.
South Asia witnessed the adoption of a local language, Urdu, as the language of Islam — both the identity symbol of the Muslim community and the medium of instruction, preaching and publication of Islamic material — rather than Arabic. This would not have occurred without the British intervention in South Asia.
Indeed, the idea that numbers are politically significant — for quotas in jobs, admissions in educational institutions, government patronage — was created by the British who introduced modern concepts like representation of the people, equality before a secular legal system and the creation of an ubiquitous public service all over India.
The printing press, the schooling system, the textbooks, the political speech and pamphlet and later the radio all spread out standardized versions of languages — mostly Hindi and Urdu in North India and the areas now comprising Pakistan — which created communities Muslims and Hindus much as literacy created nationalistic identities in modern Europe in a process described by Benedict Anderson But these constructions came at the cost of suppressing aspects of the communal self which manifested themselves later as we shall touch upon in passing.
In Pakistan the ruling elite, which was mostly Punjabi-speaking, continued to consolidate its dominance over the different ethnicities comprising Pakistan in the name of Islam and Urdu. The Bengalis, who were a majority in the new state, reacted to this dominance by mobilizing the symbol of language to give a united front to the West Pakistanis. This movement, the Bengali language movement, culminated in the deaths of protesting students on 21 February and laid the foundation for separatist nationalism Umar, At last, after a bloody civil war in , the state of Bangladesh was created.
In West Pakistan, the Sindhis, Baloch, Pashtuns and Siraikis have all used their respective languages as ethnic identity symbols to procure power and a more equitable distribution of power and resources in the state Rahman, Thus, in Pakistan, Urdu came to be associated with the ruling elite as far as its domination over the weaker ethnic groups was concerned.
The rural and urban poor are as deeply rooted in vernaculars such as Baluchi, Pashto, Punjabi, Siraiki, and Sindhi. Outside of the Muhajir communities of Sind, Urdu is not used below the lower-middle class Nasr, The latter feel that this language would empower the religious lobby which, in their view, would suppress women and probably inhibit creativity, arts and research. Hence Khalid Ahmed, a well known liberal intellectual from Lahore, argues that Urdu is intrinsically not a progressive language while English is Ahmed, Other Westernized people oppose English both in the domains of education and in the media because it threatens to undermine their own elitist status.
Though spoken only in parts of North India, and that too in the urban areas, it is a symbol of the Muslim identity for most but not all Indian Muslims. Because the Hindus are in a huge majority, the Muslims feel that the fight to preserve Urdu is part of keeping India a pluralistic democracy Farouqui, Apart from writings by scholars and Muslim politicians in India, the clergy regards Urdu as a language of Muslims, while others disagree Gandhi, In India, in fact, the madrasas are seen as repositories of skills pertaining to the Urdu script which is not generally taught in the secular stream of education Winkelmann, Even in Vellore in South India where the mother-tongue is Tamil, the madrasas offer Urdu as well as Tamil as a medium of instruction in the first four years in the madrasa Tschacher, That feeling, though linguistically, historically and culturally correct, does nothing to change the perception that Urdu is associated with the Muslim identity in India both among Muslims and Hindus.
The Political Uses of Language Planning of Urdu in Pakistan 4 The figures for mother-tongue speakers of Urdu in the censuses of the years given below are as foll At this period, because Bengali ethnic identity was expressed through the Bengali language, Urdu was seen as an imposition by the West Pakistani elite to dominate and exploit East Pakistan as Bangladesh was then called.
However, Urdu had a presence in the madrasas and the link with Deoband, which East Bengal shared along with other parts of Muslim South Asia, remained.
Because of this link a number of Muslim clerics learnt Urdu and read Islamic literature in that language. Even quite recently in Bangladesh, Urdu remains associated with Islam in the madrasas and in the minds of those who see themselves as members of a South Asian Islamic community.
The political vocabulary borrows extensively, self-consciously, from Arabic and Persian rather than the indigenous tradition. The Urdu script was considered the desiderated script for languages without an old established script such as Punjabi, Siraiki, Balochi, Brahvi and, of course, the unwritten languages of the country. In Balochistan, the convention on the Balochi script held in September , became a battle ground between the left-leaning ethno-nationalists and the right-leaning Pakistani nationalists.
The former rejected the Urdu script even preferring the Roman one to it while the latter insisted upon it Rahman, It is also part of the vertical socio-economic class conflict in the country. In this role it favours the mostly Urdu-educated lower middle class against the English-educated upper-middle and upper classes the middle class falls unevenly in both divides. While the elites of wealth and power can download English schooling, the masses are educated either in Urdu in interior Sind also in Sindhi or not at all.
In short, Urdu and Islam are used to subordinate the ethnic elites in favour of the Punjabi elite but, ironically enough, both are in fact subordinated to the interests of the Westernized, English-using, urban elite. The political uses of Urdu as a part of the Islamic and Pakistani nationalist identity are, therefore, complex and contradictory.
Thus, there are Shariah guidebooks in all these languages. For instance Richard Burton, the famous explorer and Orientalist, mentions the names of Sindhi books which were taught in the schools before the British conquest Burton, in Baloch, , see also Boivin this volume. Similarly the Baran Anwa, a rhymed Shariah guidebook in Punjabi, is mentioned in the great epic work Heer Ranjha see Rahman, for more details. The important point here, is that a large number of these works were written during the 18thth centuries when Muslim political power was weakening and the ulema felt that a Muslim identity based upon an internalization of Islam was desired.
Such a reaction is evident in the case of Balochistan where the ulema took fright when the Christian missionaries translated the bible in Balochi and Brahvi between to One of them, Maulvi Mohammad Fazil from the village of Darkhan near Dhadar, created a movement for writing religious books in the local languages. This movement, known as the Darkhani school, got a number of Shariah guidebooks printed which are available in private collections in Balochistan for brief descriptions see Rahman, As the Baloch ulema also felt threatened by the Zikris, a sect which believed that obligatory prayers had been abolished, they counteracted this idea by emphasizing upon prayers Baloch, But even when there was no threat, there were products belonging to themes from folk Islam — the veneration of the prophet, members of his family ahl-i-bait , saints and the martyrs of Islam.
It should also be pointed out that, literacy being only about 54 per cent in , most people get their religious knowledge from oral sources even now. These are not just sermons in mosques but also mystical poetry in the form of qawwalis and anecdotes on religious and other themes people repeat to each other on all occasions. Moreover, nur namas, jang namas and Karbala namas are common in all languages.
All these stories in verse are sung by people who have memorized them and were also known to completely illiterate people, especially women, who used to listen to them in their homes.
These practices used to be common in the villages of Pakistan but the spread of the radio and television have weakened their hold upon the people. Even now, however, some forms of rhymed verse in other tongues are sung on occasions such as the maulud the birthday of the Prophet or the Muharram the month of Karbala according to the lunar calendar. Moreover, despite the fact that, except for Sindhi, the indigenous languages of the people are neither used as media of instruction nor as compulsory languages in schools, small tracts chapbooks in these languages are still printed and sold.
This means that the availability of religious literature in the mother tongue serves a persistent need which the availability of much richer religious literature in Urdu cannot fulfill. English and Islam in the Pakistani Diaspora 36English is associated with Westernization and liberal values in Pakistan Mansoor, and while Urdu is the language of Islam.
A virtual ummah exists on the internet where the anger about Palestine, Chechnya, Afghanistan, Iraq and other Muslim grievances is expressed in an idiom which all Muslims with knowledge of English can understand. This role of English is explained by Roy as follows: But this use of English to translate Islamic books in it also favours English-speaking preachers, these living in the West or in countries where English is an official language such as Pakistan and South Africa.
Transmitters are often people with a minimum of experience--the aged Wahabi Sheikhs based in Saudi Arabia rely on their English-speaking disciples to be translated but also to be informed Roy, Even the maulvis imported from Pakistan are under pressure to learn English because the U.
In the United Kingdom, where the Muslim community is predominantly of Pakistani rural origin, Urdu was the preferred language with the older generation. The traditional maulvis from Pakistan fought to preserve Urdu too. However, the younger generation, including the neofundamentalists, are in favour of using English for religious purposes Roy In any case the younger generation of Pakistani and north Indian Muslims growing up in English-speaking countries, do not relate to the culture which uses Urdu.
Nor, does Urdu have any special religious significance to them. Thus, those who turn to religion, try to make English the language of their desiderated international Islamic identity. However, there is not sufficient evidence to suggest that English is growing in Pakistan because of its international significance. Nor, indeed, do Pakistani Islamic thinkers use English to reach international audiences.
In fact, since English reaches out to more people than any other single language, all ideological preachers, use it as a tool to spread their world view.
This makes English the most powerful carrier of competing world views ever seen on the globe. This is a sobering thought for those who are apprehensive of intellectual invasion and conquest to the exclusion of diversity. However, a language used by a community of Muslims can become the language of Islam and the Muslim identity in a specific time period and region. Through contact with Western modernity, Urdu became a language with political, social, educational, economic and cultural consequences.
It became part of ashraf Muslim identity replacing Persian which occupied that position earlier. It became a symbol of the Muslim political identity next only to Islam itself during the struggle for the creation of Pakistan out of British India.
Then, in Pakistan, it became a part of the Pakistani as opposed to the ethno-nationalist and Muslim as opposed to secular and Westernized identity. In these roles it challenged the aspirations of the language-based ethnic elites at the horizontal regional and that of the lower middle classes for power at the vertical socio-economic class levels. It also became a language of education, again divided along ideological and class lines: Urdu-medium schools and colleges being mostly for the lower middle and middle classes and catering to right wing political and cultural views while English caters mostly for the upper-middle and upper classes and liberal political and cultural views.
In journalism too Urdu is associated with the right; the indigenous languages with ethnic nationalism and English with liberalism. Thus, in Pakistan, Islam is associated with Urdu in complex ways which express how identity is constructed with reference to new realities created by modernity. The Indian Muslim community also perceived Urdu as part of their collective identity.
This makes it an anti-hegemonic, liberal force acting on behalf of pluralism and liberal democracy in India while in Pakistan it is mostly seen as a symbol of the domination of the centre over the provinces; the hegemony of the Punjabis over other ethnic groups of the country and, generally, with right-wing, religious orientation.
The association of Islam with language, then, is a complex, multi-dimensional and even contradictory phenomenon in Pakistan and north India.
Baloch Nabi Baksh ed. Blumhardt J. Burton Richard F. Census , Census Report of Pakistan. Gandhi J. Hunter W. Jafri S. Karachi, Oxford University Press, King Christopher R. Naseem A.