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The unity of humanity merely means that a unified frame of thinking and acting is in the making, within which the unavoidably conflict-ridden political policy clashes play out. To describe the trend direction towards which the global society is developing, the concept of global domestic policy, as an expression of a new cosmopolitanism, is very enlightening.
But there are, and this is the claim of global domestic policy, the same rights at least for everyone, and with this, new possibilities to look for allies and forge solidarities. Mind you, global domestic policy is not the description of a reality as it exists today, but it is also not simply an ideal that is aspired to independently of reality.
It is a heuristic term that helps to interpret reality differently than as has been usual up to now. This makes global domestic policy into a political project: it is about creating the conditions that could actually potentially allow all citizens of the Earth to participate in the development and organization of the planet.
The term global domestic policy is a central category for global citizenship education. It denotes not only an important educational subject, but also a central field of action in education. But before this can be explained in more detail, we first have to consider which pedagogical answers we can find to globalisation today. This is without doubt a minor revolution for the educational system not only in Austria, which is still geared towards national paradigms.
In the last years, education was principally organized as national education that should promote the education of the nation. Wintersteiner b.
A large, but not unproblematic about-turn in the direction of cosmopolitanism was brought about by the decision guided by economic considerations to make greater use of education as a resource for economic competition, and to carry out according reforms.
Education was defined as a crucial resource for the achievement of this goal. These studies ascertain to what extent the pupils of the countries involved possess certain basic competencies, regardless of the educational goals and values of the individual countries. It is postulated that these competencies are what matter in order to lead successful national economies, and that these competencies can also be tested in a setting removed from all cultural characteristics and embedding.
The result is a ranking with which pressure can be put on the national education policies to redesign the respective education systems in such a way that they perform as optimally as possible.
This has a tendency to lead to the approximation of education policy standards, structures and philosophies — at the expense of national traditions, whether these are up-to-date or out-of-date.
At the same time, it also leads to a hegemony of an understanding of education that does not view education as a public good, but as a commodity whose acquisition is linked with great advantages for the individual. In particular, what is perceived from globalisation is the intensifying economic competition, to which one should react with increased efforts in the education sector.
This enhances the value of education, yet in its semantic importance, however, it is reduced to education for economic competitiveness. How can we be and become better than the others?
This is one, very visible and highly influential, but by no means the only conceivable and possible position in dealing with globalisation. In , for the first time, UNESCO developed — as a collective document of all member states — a programme for action with recommendations for an education for international understanding, co-operation and peace UNESCO II , this text is an important first milestone.
After the end of the Cold War, internal societal problems such as racism, intolerance, but also the growing divide between North and South were identified as the most burning issues. The solution to the problems is now no longer sought exclusively in an understanding between the states, but instead, civil society comes into view. In later documents, UNESCO brought education for a worldwide culture of peace, in particular, to the forefront, and with the UN year and in the subsequent decade of , it pushed even more strongly for a culture of peace.
In this context, human rights education is of particular importance. With this, the groundwork is laid for what is understood by global citizenship education here. In a similar spirit, the Council of Europe, i.
What pointed the way for this was the Maastricht Conference , which is referred to in this context. In my eyes, these points sum up the special, forward-looking quality of the Maastricht Declaration. In addition, for the first time, the terminology global citizenship education was adopted. Global Citizenship Education 5. Reardon , chapter 1 or global education.
This then leads to active actions, whereby the level of participation is addressed. In this sense, according to Davies, global citizenship education is very close to peace education. What is worth particular consideration about her approach is a practical conclusion.
For all political action, in the end, takes place within the framework marked out by the nation state. But now what exactly is meant by global citizenship education?
Which meaning transpires to be efficient and with sufficient explanatory power? As already indicated in the first section, it must be stated that the term — as for every concept in civic education — can be applied more strongly either to the person or to the structure. Depending on this, it is either understood as education of the global citizen, and qualifications and characteristics of a global citizen are developed, or, on the other hand, the global dimension of politics and civic education is addressed.
This aligns with the investigations of Luis Cabrera , 17 ff. He contrasts this, that is to say places it side-by-side with an institutional approach, which opens up further perspectives. In the terminology of Derek Layder: Cabrera turns against a certain tendency of creating opposition between approaches related to the living environment and systemic approaches, instead of connecting them with each other.
With this, the following can be recorded as an interim result: global citizenship education with its focus on citizenship represents a politicisation and intensification of the often non-specifically used term global education. Under global education, it is not uncommon to find pedagogical concepts and approaches that focus exclusively on a cosmopolitan consciousness, thereby gravitating towards a purely moral education, instead of also taking the political dimension into consideration.
Just how strongly this narrow understanding prevails in educational practice can be seen from empirical studies. In line with this, the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study ICCS , which has identified the global awareness of pupils and teachers in various European countries, including Austria, concludes that the global aspect is recognised in private and cultural dimensions, but not, however, in political ones.
At the same time, however, this status is not available for all people in all places, but instead is always limited territorially, originally — as the name says — reserved for a long time only male residents of city states, eventually expanded to the level of the nation state.
But it is never bestowed to all inhabitants of a state. Barnes and Nobles Publishing Inc. However, I am not completely persuaded by the argumentation that civic education can defy these juridical and political obstacles with ease. This cannot happen simply by means of an act of pedagogical foresight.
For then we would land right back at the individual cosmopolitanism that Cabrera criticizes. The overcoming of a nationally limited idea of civic education can ultimately only be successful because the nation- state-centred citizenship concept is already being transcended at many points in societal practice, and because new possibilities are opening up due to this. That is why Luis Cabrera argues for the individual and the institutional approach to be combined with one another.
In this passage, perhaps, the difference to the Oxfam approach is especially clear: while Oxfam concentrates on the qualities of a global citizen, Cabrera emphasizes that one cannot be a global citizen if the institutional conditions for this purpose are lacking.
Cabrera describes the learners, therefore, not by their characteristics, but by their activities: herein, an approximation to the global citizen ideal is expressed, and in this way, citizenship de facto materialises. According to this conception, all people worldwide are through the same problems or similar dangers connected to each other to form a common humanity that makes all differences of secondary importance.
This individualistic approach, which neglects the political power structures and economic asymmetries, she asserts, leads to a patronising attitude of the north toward the people of the global south. Instead of a humanitarian moralistic motivation behind the actions, she advocates for a political ethical motivation on an even playing field.
This is why Andreotti also suggests critical global citizenship education as a new guiding concept. This conceptual expansion, however, does not seem to be necessary to me, since global citizenship education already has a clear orientation due to the emphasis on the political dimension even if no concept is immune from being used in a different manner as that intended and itself arose from the criticism of the positions that Andreotti also criticises. A 10 more detailed comparison cannot be carried out at this point.
The status of citizenship is, as already emphasised, still essentially bound to the nation state. Nonetheless, the example of the European Union already demonstrates a transnational approach: all EU citizens have the right to vote or stand as a candidate in local elections and in the elections to the European Parliament in the country in which they live.
It would also correspond to the logic of the EU approach to extend the EU citizenship to all people who have been living in an EU country in the longer term, regardless of their passport. A first step toward this would be to generate awareness of how much injustice the restriction of the civic rights to only the official citizens implies.
After all, citizenship must also be seen as a practice. Nor is it confined to those able to exercise the right to vote. With this, a dynamic moment enters into the relatively immobile, more juristically determined concept of citizenship. Please enter a valid ZIP Code. Please enter 5 or 9 numbers for the ZIP Code.
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Interest will be charged to your account from hefran download date if the balance is not paid in full within 6 months. Other offers may also be available. Sell now — Have one to sell? The supervisor of his doctoral thesis was Friedrich Hund. His views were later generally acknowledged and refined by a large number of other physicists and astronomers. The theory also helped to explain the empirically observed regular pattern of increase in the diameters of the orbits of the planets of the Solar System, from inward to outward.
This result was a natural outcome of the increasing size of "planetary eddies" of gas and dust farther from the centre of the early solar system. A further implication of his theory was that many stars out in the universe, with characteristics similar to the Sun, would have to be expected to possess planetary systems similar to our own.
He discussed the upsetting implications in February with philosopher friend Georg Picht. As early as August , Albert Einstein warned U. President Franklin D.